“Monarchy is over in Nepal”. The same title is being used in fashionable ways by many media in this world—of course, only those who hold significant stake in Nepal. The biggest stake holder and the director of Nepal’s devastation is Nepal’s closest and sadistic neighbor, India. Even though the intellectuals are familiar with this direction, I would like to show why the world remains anonymous of this India’s sponsorship of terrorism in Nepal. Quite surprisingly, the actors have created a huge mass of junior actors in the hope to make them a lead actor one day. In the mean time, the director is enjoying the show. Let’s trace back when the director thought to direct this inhuman movie that might not leave the director an option of bankruptcy if the truth is exposed.

As known to the world, Nepal was a Kingdom and the most peaceful country in this chaotic earth. While many may disagree, however, there was no extreme poverty in Nepal in mid 20^th century. The Indo-Nepal friction started when the then Prime Minister of Nepal—Jung Bahaur Rana—supported the British India to suppress the Sepoy Rebellion. In 1857, India could have born, but since the Rana prime ministers of Nepal were strong allies of British, they supported British in their mission to crush any independence revolution. In fact, Nepal had already become an enemy of Indians then. Moreover, the strength of Gurkha army was the biggest obstacle for the Indians to overcome. Because of Rana’s support for British India, the later known India could not gain independence until 1947. Many of us forget to note, immediately after India was born, the Rana Empire was thrown out in Nepal in the year 1950. The then Prime Minster of Nepal—Mohan Shumsher Rana—was deposed who would later go to India on a self imposed exile. His titular successor—Pashupati Shumsher Rana—still resides in Nepal. His role would come into play post the Royal Massacre of 2001. Until 1950, Ranas were the prime rulers of Nepal and the monarchy was only symbolic. When India was born in 1947, the then prime minister of India was Jawarharlal Nehru—the same leader who kicked out Indira Nehru for marrying a Muslim, who would later become India Gandhi and the biggest enemy of Hindus and Sikhs.

There was another family who was fighting for the Indian state with the Indians—the Koiralas. Koiralas were Indians who were born in the Northern Province of British India –modern day of Bihar or Uttar Pradesh in India. Koiralas were three brothers who were born and raised in India. The family claims to be originally from Nepal, however, their roots and bushes have been found only in India. Even today, much of Koirala family resides in India—respecting the motherland. The Koirala brothers joined struggled to give birth to India. During the later years when India was about to born, Koiralas were suggested to form Nepal Congress Party within India. Finally India was born in 1947 with another new nation—Pakistan. Appropriate justice does not seem to be carried out looking at the area of India and Pakistan and the number of people residing. The most important factor was religion. Most of the princely states were to join the Union of India. One of the biggest Kingdoms was the Kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir whose King Raja Hari Singh was a Hindu and the population majority was of Muslim. Raja Hari Singh decided not to surrender his Kingdom to either of the countries. However, illegally, India annexed the Kingdom into its Union. It is interesting to see how Indian text books claim this beautiful Kingdom a part of India. In the last days of 1948, a ceasefire was agreed under UN auspices demanding plebiscite. Nehru never proceeded with the UN resolution and hence, the ascertainity of the instrument of accession is questionable. The Kingdom—as falsely claimed by India and Pakistan—is still considered as the international disputed territory. Then India annexed the Kingdom of Gwalior, and the Kingdom of Hyderabad. By all means, they were illegal annexation. India’s vulture eyes were gazing the Kingdom of Sikkim and the Kingdom of Nepal. The Indian Congress had helped create Nepali congress for a good reason. The Indians had foreseen their fortune in Nepal. The Koiralas were assured by the Indians that they would help Nepal merge into India if the Indians help throw the Rana regime in Nepal. India was lured with this Childish Koirala Deal. Even a newborn child would see the benefit in helping the needy brothers. Finally, in 1950, King Tribhuwan fled to India to seek refuge from the Ranas. The only Royal member left was the 3 year old, the then prince Gyanendra. The Ranas—who were expert in analyzing the future—were familiar with the Indian game. The Indians had thought to end the monarchy in 1950, but the Ranas, moving a mile ahead, crowned the 3 year old as the King of the Kingdom of Nepal. The Koiralas’ and the Indians’ dream shattered. The Ranas knew that India wanted to weaken Nepal by overthrowing monarchy. Hence, they took the wisest step to save Nepal, and we witnessed the result. Even though the Ranas were able to save Nepal’s monarchy, unfortunately, their Empire was brought down. Since Ranas were the true Nationalists, their downfall encouraged India to envision a possibility to annexing Nepal into India.

Not that easy as the Indians had presumed. The King in Nepal was considered the reincarnation of Hindu God, and replacing the intuition of Monarchy was their far dream. They figured where the problem laid—Monarchy. Nevertheless, India did not stay quiet, and offered Sikkim and Nepal to sign the instrument of accession and join the Union of India Nepal’s the then King Mahendra got infuriated with the proposal, whereas the “Koirala equivalent” prime Minister of Sikkim offered Sikkim in the hands of India, only to be slaughtered. The three Koirala brothers became the prime ministers of Nepal on the recommendation and pressure from India. This paved an easy path for the Indians to observe Nepal more closely. Nepal’s monarchy was well aware of this Indian strategy, however, the then King Birendra had declared Nepal as the Zone of Peace in the 90s. This was endorsed by more than 110 countries of the world, except India. Intellectuals could smell the stink that was coming from the southern block. King Birendra’s popularity almost made India’s dream a nightmare. Moreover, the future King Dipendra was one of the most popular figures of Nepalese monarchy in the history.

India’s dream was almost impossible. As the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi created LTTE in Sri Lanka, they thought to help launch a Maoist revolution in Nepal to break Nepal. The Maoists’ top demand was the abolition of Monarchy. Since the year 1996, India started funding Nepal Maoists to fight against state. As the Maoist party was formed in 1996, their leaders were backed up by the Indian government. Most of the Maoists leader lived in Darjeeling, Lucknow, and Delhi in India and masterminded their plan. These plans were executed by guerrilla who lived in Nepal and were dying to fight war. In other words, India created Communism in Nepal. They also were supported by the Indian Communist leaders and other Naxalite group who are fighting against the Indian government for communism. Surprisingly India never helped Nepal government in arresting those leaders and extraditing them in Nepal. When Nepali Maoists met Nepali Communist leaders in Lucknow, India in 2003, India government did not take initiative to arrest them, even though they were recognized as terrorists by the United States. Hence it is evident that India never wanted peace in Nepal. At the same time, international media was busy defaming the King Gyanendra.

The interesting chemistry was all political parties held discussions in India with the Maoists in the Indian’s presence. The irony was Maoists were able to kill Inspector General of Police of the Royal Nepalese Government, but were not able to kill any leaders. This does not digest well. These Maoists and leaders were in agreement not to kill each others leaders. Although India was successful in proving why they did not endorse “Zone of Peace”, they were unable to offer prayers to King. Then India played the worst game with the help of its own citizens—Koiralas, and Maoists to end the Nepalese monarchy—which the world today knows as the Nepal’s Royal Massacre.

After the Royal Massacre, many speculations were in the air. However, immediately after the incident, media, which are funded by India, started to air against Gyanendra, who was the only heir left to the throne. India’s, Koirala’s and Maoists’ strategy was to defame monarchy and most importantly, the monarch who was unknown to the world. India knew that King Birendra was most popular and if the blame could be dumped on Gyanendra, it would be the easiest way to uproot monarchy. And so was the story we witnessed. India had a sound plan to kill the Royal Family so that no one else would remain alive to keep the monarchy breathing. However, the massacre happened when King Gyanendra was out of town and allegedly was on the way back to the massacre site for the dinner. Gyanendra was crowned again as the King of Nepal, and India, once again, could not prove to be a successful director. India funded media were airing speculations about King Gyanendra. The love and respect for the King was then seen by the shaved head of all the Nepalese—who respected Nepalese Monarch as their father. Noticeably, the present Prime Minster, Girija Prasad, the same Indian Citizen, was the Prime Minister of Nepal during the Royal Massacre. He helped India facilitate the killings. Later, he also facilitated King Gyanendra, to be removed from the palace. In other words, the Koiralas were well aware of the killings, but instead of stopping India to kill the royals, the old traitor helped them successfully execute the plan.

The King wanted the then prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to hold the elections but even after he was granted to extend the date of election twice, he was never motivated to hold the election. The underlying political reason was that he continuously wanted to be in his office by postponing the election. As a Chief of State, King Gyanendra could not wait to see his country devastated. This made him to sack the cabinet and impose his direct rule. Subsequently, in October 2002, King Gyanendra dismissed the prime minister and his cabinet. While stopping short of reestablishing parliament, the king in June 2004 reinstated the most recently elected prime minister who formed a four-party coalition government. The King, citing dissatisfaction with the government, dissolved the government in 2005, declared a state of emergency, imprisoned party leaders, and assumed power. The king's government subsequently released party leaders and officially ended the state of emergency in May 2005, but the monarch retained absolute power until April 2006.

When King Gyanendra ascended throne in 2002, Nepal has been going through civil war from the past ten years. Politicians of Nepal, as an easy excuse to take benefit from inexperienced King imposed blame on him. When King sacked the parliament for its inability to hold elections, the law was enforced, the administration was healthy and the environment was getting conducive. He acted tough on the people to enforce laws. The 12 years of democracy by then had made Nepalese lazy and incompetent, but the king wanted to abolish the ongoing crisis. While most of Nepalese were pleased to see this progress, the corrupted people were unemployed. The leaders of Nepal are barely educated to find a job, if they do not engage themselves into politics. The government employees who never showed up on time were forced to be in the office and corruption was strictly made illegal. How can idle Nepalese like that? Obviously it will make them revolt. These led the politicians ally together and form a coalition to fight against the King. Nepal and Indian media supported well these coalition leaders. Countable 10-15 people gathered for to restore democracy and started protest. It was not until April 2006, when Maoists joined the movement to fight against king. Truckload Maoists entered the capital city to revolt. As a way to spread violence, Maoists attacked on Maoists in the revolution process and charged King for their deaths. After 30 people were killed, the King gave up all the powers and reinstated the government. Hence, the King who wanted to make the country progress was iconized as a dictator. Following that, if anyone in Nepal supports nationalism, then they are labeled as royalists or a dictator.

Now that the monarchy is gone, common Nepalese who are die hard fans of King, are looking for their God. However, Hinduism and Buddism have not taught violence to Nepalese. Maybe that’s why common Nepalese are not on the streets yet. I remain unanswered, is Hinduism’s patience tested? Is Gurkhas’ blood tested? Are the Nepalese tested? Nepal has so far witnessed the Maoists crowd, not the Nepali crowd, there will be a day when Gurkhalis will be on the streets to show the bravery of Amar Singh Thapa, Bir Balbhadra Kunwar, Bhimsen Thapa, or another Jung Bahadur Rana…and who knows, another Prithvi Narayan Shah to Unify the breaking Nepal.

http://newsblaze.com/story/20080619175135tsop.nb/topstory.html

Aaj balla yo story pani sancho lagna thalyo.  Nepal ko raja ko binas garer chhadne iccha e bideshi benagali ra dhoti harukai ko.  bichara paras pani victim bhayo dhoti haruko.

तानाशाह सुजाता जोस्टको बङाली ज्वाँई द्वारा नेपाली राष्ट्रियता माथी आक्रमण

राजनैतीक दबाबमा युबराजलाई कारबाही गर्ने प्रयास गरेकोमा भर्त्षना

मुलुकमा गणतन्त्रको औचित्य समाप्त हुन लागेको अवस्था जनतामाझ 
राजसंस्थाको लोकप्रिय बढ्दै गएको झोकमा मुलुकमा प्रजातन्त्र नचाहने शक्ती
तथा अधिनायकबाद कम्युनिष्टहरुले मौकाको फाईदा उठाई राष्ट्र, राष्ट्रियता
राजतन्त्र र प्रजातन्त्रको पक्षधरमा फुट ल्याउन युबराजलाई राजनैतीक दबाबमा
कारबाहीकको नाटक गरेको कतपुतली सरकारको घोर भर्त्सना गर्दै यथा सिग्र यस्तो
नौटन्की बन्द गर्न यो बिज्ञप्ती जारी गर्द छ।

१३,००० नेपाली को निर्मम हत्या गरेको माओवादीलाई कुनै सरकारले केही
नगरेको र एक सामान्य नागरिक र देश्भक्तको सामु बेङाली माफियाले आएर नेपाल र
नेपालीको सिर निहुरौने कुरा गरेको बेला युबरज पारसले नेपाली को इजत बाचाउन
खोजेको कारण आज नेपाली समाज गौरवन्वित भएको छ। एस्तो नेपाली को मजाक
उडाउने कुनै पनि बहिरी मुलुकको नागरिकलाई कडा भन्दा कडा कारबाही हुनु
पर्दछ। हामी आज यसै विग्यप्ती मार्फत बेङाली माफिया चोउधरी को नेपाल को
नागरिकता र उस्को सासुको नेपाली नागरिकताको अनुसन्धान गर्न नेपाली सरकारलाई
चेतावनी दिन चाहन्छौ।

धेरै वर्श देखी नेपाल को इज्जत को खेल्बाड् गर्ने हरुलाई कुनै सरकारले
केही नगरेको र युबराज परसले आफ्नो देश र प्रतिस्ठाको कुर सहन नसकेर आफ्नो
मुलुकको इज्जत बचाउन सफल भएकोमा सम्पूर्ण नेपाली क्रितग्य छ। आज मुलुक ले
युबरज पारसको रुप मा देश्भक्त हिरो पएकोमा नेपाल गौरवन्वित भएको छ।

छोरी  पुर्णिकाको जन्म दिन मनाउन गएका युबराज पारस , नेपाल र नेपालीलाई
अपमान गर्ने तस्कर रुबेल चौधरीलाई  अनुसन्धान गर्न यसै काठपुतली सरकारलाई
दबाब दिन सम्पूर्ण राष्ट्रभक्ती नेपालीलाई अनुरोध गर्दछौ।

unnepal.org

more here

Good.  I see a lot of fan page for Paras everywhere.  Seems like this guy's bad days are over.  He is a Hero now.

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of]hgf sfof{Gjgog ub{y] . ef/tLo sDo'lgi6 g]tf ;Ltf/fd or'/L g]kfnL dfcf]jfbLsf
s6\6/ ;dy{s b]lvG5g . o; jfx]s g]kfnL dfcf]jfbLnfO{ ef/t ;/sf/;+u} nl8/x]sf]
gS;njfbL ;d'xx?sf] klg ;xof]u k|fKt 5 . of] ef/t ;/sf/ lj?4sf] n8fO{ ef/tLo
hgtf kf6L{ ;/sf/df x'“bfdfq hf]8tf]8n] x'g] ub{5, sf+u|]; ;Qfdf ePsf j]nf
ljb|f]xLsf] ultljwL Go"g x'g] ub{5 . ;Qfdf hd]/ /xg ef/tLo sf+u|];sf]
cltjfbLx?;+u lg6std u7aGwg 5 eGg] s'/fsf] of] k|df0f xf] . ljb|f]xL g]tfx?nfO{
kls|g / g]kfn ;k'b{uL ug{ ef/tn] slxNo} rf;f] b]vfPg . cGt/fli6«o cft+sjfbL
3f]lift ePsf j]nfdf klg hj g]kfnL jfdkGyL g]tfx?n] @))# df g]kfnL dfcf]jfbL
g]tfx?nfO{ nvgpdf e]6bf ef/tn] kls|g] s'g} pkqmd u/]g . ef/tn] slxNo} g]kfndf
zflGt grfx]sf] of] alnof] k|df0f xf] . To;} j]nf cGt//fli6«o ;+rf/ hut eg]
/fhtGqsf] abgfdL k}mnfpg bQlrQ lyof] .

g]kfnsf bnx?sf]
dfcf]jfbLx?;+u 5nkmndf ef/tLox?sf] pkl:yltn] pgLx? larsf] uxg cGt/;DjGw b]vfp5
. Wofg lbg of]Uo s'/f of] klg 5 ls dfcf]jfbL tTsflng ;/sf/sf] k|x/L
dxflgl/Ifssf] xTof ;lhn} ug{ ;S5g, t/ s'g} g]tfsf] xTof k|of; c;kmn x'G5g .
dfcf]jfbLx? / g]tfx? jLrdf Ps csf{nfO{ gdfg]{ ;+emf}tf lyof] eGg' ;+ejt unt
x'“b}g . g]kfndf czflGt x'g' ef/tLox?sf] g]kfnsf] zflGtIf]qsf] k|:tfj gdfGg'sf]
cf}lrTosf] k'li6 x'g' xf]] . cfÎg} dfG5]x? sf]O{/fnf / dfcf]jfbLsf] d4tn]
ef/tn] g]kfndf /fhtGq ;dfKtL kfg'{, g]kfnnfO{ cfk"mdf ljno u/fpg clxn];Dd
c;kmn x'g'sf] b/jf/ xTofsf08;+usf] ;DjGw s]nfpg} kb{5 . t;y{ o; 38Lsf] cfjZostf
eg]sf] /fhg}lts ljZn]ifs / hgtfnfO{ b/jf/ xTofsf08sf] cnu sf]0faf6 ljZn]if0f
ug{ cg'/f]w ug'{ xf] .

b/jf/ xTofsf08 kl5
gfgf yl/sf ckmjfxx? k}mnfO{of] . 36gfsf] nuQ} kl5 ef/tLo nufgLsf ;+rf/dfWodx?
l;+xf;gsf] pQ/flwsf/Lsf lj?4 k|rf/jfhLdf nfu] . g]kfndf /fhtGq af/]df cgf:yf
k}mnfpg' sf]O/fnf, dfcf]jfbL / ef/tsf] ;+o'Qm /0fgLlt lyof] . /fhf jL/]Gb|sf] nf]slk|otfn]
of] xTofsf08sf] bf]if l;+xf;gsf] pQ/flwsf/L dfly y'kfg{ ;lsPdf /fhtGq pv]Ng
;lhnf] x'g]5 eGg] s'/f pgLsf] laZn]if0f lyof], olx eof] . /fhkl/jf/df u4L yfDg]
sf]lx ;b:o g/xg] u/]/ ;a}nfO{ dfg]{ of]hgf cf+lzs ;kmn eof] . xTofsf08sf] j]nf
1fg]Gb| zx/ aflx/ lyP, /fqL ef]hdf ;l/s x'g b/jf/ hfb} lyP, hf] To;a]nf;Dd
xTofsf08 e} ;s]sf] lyof] . g]kfnLx? /fhfnfO{ afa' ;/x dfof“ / cfb/ ub{5g eGg]
s'/f g]kfnLx?sf] vf}l/Psf] 6fpsfx?n] b]vfP . :d/l0fo 5, uL/Lhf k|;fb sf]O{/fnf
b/jf/ xTofsf08sf] a]nf g]kfnsf] zlQmzfnL k|wfgdGqL lyP . kl5, g]kfnsf rn]sf
b}lgsx?df k|sflzt w]/} n]vx?sf cg';f/ pg}n] /fhfnfO{ b/jf/jf6 x6fpg klg ;xof]u
k'¥ofPsf lyP . ;+ejt zfxL xTofsf] jf/]df pgnfO{ hfgsf/L lyof] t/ klg o;nfO{{
/f]Sg'sf] ;f6f] /fhtGq ;dfKt ug]{ w]/} k'/fgf] if8\oGq cg';f/ o;nfO{ /f]Sg]
k|oTg u/]gg\ .

tTsfnLg k|wfgdGqL
z]/ axfb'/ b]pjfn] r'gfj u/fpg, eGg] /fhfsf] rfxfgf b'O rf]6L r'gfjsf] ldlt
;fbf{ klg k'/f ePg . ;+ejt r'gfj ;fb}{ xd]zf kbd} al;/xg] of] k|wfgdGqLsf]
/fhgLlts rfn lyof] . /fi6«k|d'vn]] d'n's clg0f{osf] alGb e}/x]sf] x]/]/ a:g
x“'b}g lyof] . dlGqkl/ifb lj36g ug'{ ;+ejt olx st{Jo lgjf{xsf] afWotf lyof]] .
cS6f]j/ @))@df k|wfgdGqL / dlGqkl/ifbsf] lj36g To;j]nfsf] ;+ljwfgn] lbPsf]
clk|o st{Jo lgjf{x lyof] . h'g @))$df ;+;b k'g{:yfkgfsf] ;f6f] lgjt{dfg lgjf{lrt
k|wfgdGqLnfO{sf] k'g{jfxfnL ul/of]]], h;n] rf/ bnsf] ;+o'Qm ;/sf/ agfof], h;n]
;+s6sfn nufof], g]tfx?nfO{ h]n xfNof] . kl5 a? /fhfsf] ;/sf/n] g]tfx?nfO{
h]nd'Qm u¥of], d] @))%df ;+s6sfn x6fof], t/ /fhfn] ;Dk"0f{ zlQm Pk|Ln
@))^;Dd cfÎgf] xfndf /fv] . @))!df /fhf 1fg]Gb| l;+xf;g cf?9 x'“bf ljut bz
aif{b]lv g]kfn u[xo'4n] cfqmfGt lyof] . g]kfnsf /fhgLltjfhx?nfO{ cg'ejlxg
/fhfdfly bf]if y'kf/]/ cfk"m rf]lvg ;lhnf] ePsf] lyof] . /fhfn] r'gfj ug{
g;s]sf]df dlGqkl/ifb lj36g u/] kl5 d'n'sdf sfg'gsf] kfngfdf ;'wf/ cfPsf] lyof],
k|zf;g r':t x'“b} lyof] / jftfj/0f ;'wf/f]Gd'v lyof] . zf;g sfg'g kfngfdf s7f]/
ePsf lyof] . To;a]nf;Dd afx| aif]{ k|hftGqn] g]kfnLx?nfO{ cN5L / of]Uotf ljlxg
agfPsf] lyof] . /fhf of] cfO{k/]sf] ;+s6 6fg{ rxfGy] . w]/} hgtf k|utL x]g{ rfxfGy],
clg e|i6rf/Lx? j]/f]huf/ x'“b} lyP . /fhgLltdf 7f“p gkfPdf g]kfnsf w]/} g]tfx?
cGo s'g} sfd kfpg ;Sg] u/]/ lzlIft 5}gg\ . ;/sf/L sd{rf/Lx? hf] slxNo} ;do kfng
ub}{g lyP, ;dodf sfof{nodf pkl:yt x'g yfn]sf lyP, / e|i6rf/ dfly s8f nufd nfUb}
lyof] . s'g cN5L g]kfnLn] o;nfO{ dg k/fpg] lyof] / < lgZro g} o;n] pgLx?nfO{
ljb|f]xL agfO{ lbof] . o;n] pgLx?nfO{ /fhgLltjfhx?;+u ;f+7uf+7 u/]/ zf;gsf]
lj?4df n8g pS:ofof] . g]kfn / ef/tsf ;+rf/ dfWodx?n] of] ;f+7uf+7sf] ;dy{g u/]
. of] tyfslyt qmflGtsf] ;f+IfL ePsf dfG5]x? eGb5g, qmflGt cf/f]k k|Tof/f]ksf]
b'vb /0fgLlt dfq lyof] . pgLx?sf cg';f/ Pk|Ln @))^df ha;Dd dfcf]jfbL /fhf
la?4df n8\g o;df ;+nUg ePgg\ To; a]nf;Dd l;ldt bz kGb| hgf hDdf eP/ k|hftGqsf]
k'g{axfnLsf] dfu /fVb} k|b{zg ub{y] . k|ToIfbzL{ eGb5g cfGbf]ngsf a]nf 6«ssf
6«s e/]/ dfcf]jfbLx? ljb|f]xsf lgldQ /fhwfgL zx/ k;]sf lyP . lx+;fnfO{ e8sfpg
dfcf]jfbLn] k|b{zgdf /x]sf dfcf]jfbL dfly g} k|xf/ ub{y] tfls bdgsf] bf]if
zf;gnfO{ yf]kg{ ;lsof]; . kRrL; JolQm dg]{ ljlQs} /fhfn] cfÎgf ;a} clwsf/
Tofu]/ ;+;b k'g{ghLljt u/] . o;/L hf] zf;g d'n'snfO{ dfly p7fpg rxfGYof] of]
tfgfzfxLsf] k|tLs aGg k'Uof] . To; kl5 olb s;}n] g]kfndf /fi6«jfbsf] ;dy{g
u¥of] ls To;nfO{ /fhfjfbLsf] ku/L lbP/ tfgfzfxsf] cf/f]k nufO{of] .

ca /fhtGq ljbf ePsf]
5, ;j{;fwf/0f g]kfnLx? Hff] /fhfsf s6\6/ k|z+;s lyP pgLx? cfÎgf] eujfg vf]hL
/x]sf 5g . oBfkL lxGb"Tj / a'4Tjn] lx+;f l;sfpb}g tyfkL ;j{;fwf/0f
g]kfnLx? lsg ;8sdf lgSn]sf 5}gg\ of] k|Zg cg'Ql/t 5 . s] of] lxGb"Tjsf]
wd{sf] kl/Iff xf] < s] uf]vf{nLsf] /utsf] k/LIff xf] < s] g]kfnLx?sf]
k/LIff xf] < g]kfnn] clxn];Dd dfcf]jfbLsf] le8 b]v]sf] 5, g]kfnLsf] x}g .
Pslbg cfpg]5 hj uf]vf{nLx? cd/l;+x yfkf, jL/ jneb| s'+j/, led;]g yfkf jf csf]{
h+uaxfb'/sf] axfb'/L b]vfpg ;8sdf cfpg] 5g\ . =======s] yfxf 6'6\b} u/]sf]
g]kfn Pstfj4 ug{ k[YjL gf/fo0f zfx g} kf] cjtl/t x'G5g sL <

 

 

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दरबार
हत्याकाण्ड अलग दृष्टिकोण


नेपालको घटनाक्रममा
चासो राख्ने विश्वका धेरै संचारमाध्यमहरुले प्रयोग गर्ने गरेको मसालेदार शिर्षक हो
’नेपालमा राजतन्त्र समाप्त भयो” । नेपालको दुरावस्थाको प्रमुख भागिदार र निर्देशक
नेपालको नजिकको छिमेकी भारत देखिन्छ । यसको केहि ऐतिहासिक र समसामायिक
पृष्टभूमि केलाउन उपयुक्त हुन्छ । यो विश्लेषणको अभावले नेपालमा भएको
आतंकवाद भारत प्रायोजित भएको कुरामा विश्व अनभिज्ञ छ । यो अशान्तिमय विश्वमा नेपाल
एक अत्यन्त शान्त अघिराज्य भएको थाहा थियो । जो संभवत भारतलाई मन परेको थिएन ।
विसौ शताब्दिको मध्यतिर नेपालमा यस्तो कहालीलाग्दो दरिद्रता थिएन भन्ने सत्यबाट
धेरैले आंखा चिम्लने प्रयत्न गर्न सक्दछन । प्रधानमन्त्री जंगबहादुर राणाले बृटिस
ईन्डीयालाई सिपाही बिद्रोह दवाउन मद्धत गर्नु नै नेपाल र भारतका अहिले शासन
गर्नेहरुकोे बीचको वैमनश्यताको शुरुवात मान्न सकिन्छ । नेपालका राणा प्रधानमन्त्रीहरुले
बृटिस इन्डीयालाई सहयोग नगरेको भए संभवत १८५७ मै भारत जन्मिने थिया । अझ
गोरखा फौजको तागत भरतीय स्वतन्त्रता आन्दोलनको निमित्त अगम्य बाधा सरह थियो ।
भारतको स्वतन्त्रता लगत्तै १९५०मा नेपालमा राणा शासनको पनि पतन भयो । तत्कालिन
प्रधानमन्त्री मोहन शमसेर राणा सत्ताच्यूत भएपछि स्वनिर्वासनमा भारत नै गए ।
नेपालको हालीमुहाली १९५० सम्म राजतन्त्रलाई थपना राखेर राणाहरुले नै चलाए ।


अहिले नेपालका
महत्वपूर्ण व्यक्ति मानिएका कोईरालाहरु भारतीयहरुसंगै का“धमा का“ध मिलाएर विशाल
भारतीय संघको निमित्त लडिरहेका थिए । तीनै भाई कोईरालाहरु बृटिस ईन्डियाको उत्तरी
प्रान्तमा उनी हुर्के बढेका हुन अझ कोही त जन्मेको पनि त्यहि हो । यो कोईराला
परिवारले आपूm नेपाली भएको जति दावी गरे पनि उनीहरुको जड तथा हांगाविंगा
भारत मै पाईन्छ । अहिले पनि कोईराला परिवारका धेरै सदस्यहरुको रासोवासो भारतमै
छ । कोईरालाहरु भारतीय संघको निमित्त लडेक थिए, यसमा सफलताको नजिक पुगे पछि
योजनाको दोश्रो भागमा उनीहरुलाई भारत भित्रै नेपाली कांग्रेस पार्टी बनाउने
निर्देशन भयो । १९४७मा पाकिस्तान संगै भारत पनि जन्म्यो । भारत र पाकिस्तानको
आवादी र क्षेत्रफल हेर्दा न्यायेिचित गठन भन्न्न सकिन्न, यसो हुनाको कारण गठनको
आधार धर्म थियो । गतिला राज्यहरु भारतीय संघमा गाभिए । हिन्दू राजा हरि सिहले
शासन गरेका जम्मु काश्मिरका बहुसंख्यक जनता मुस्लिम थिए । राजा हरि सिंहले स्वतन्त्र रहने
निर्णय गरे । नेहरुले संयूक्त राष्ट्रसंघको घोषणाको कहिल्यै पालन गरेनन, लर
१९४८को अन्त्य तिर संयूक्त राष्ट्रसंघको यूद्धविरामको आडमा भारतले कल, छल र
बलले जम्मु काश्मिर हत्यायो । त्यसैले यो विलयले प्रश्न जन्माउछ । जम्मु काश्मिर माथि
भारत र पाकिस्तान दूबैले झुट्टो दावी गरेका थिए । अहिले पनि त्यसलाई
अन्तराष्ट्रिय समुदायले विवास्पद क्षेत्रको रुपमा लिन्छ । लगत्तै भारतले ग्वालियर अधिराज्य र
हैदरावाद अधिराज्य षडयन्त्रपूर्वक आफुमा विलय गरायो । तदुपरान्त भारतको गिद्धे
दृष्टि सिक्किम अधिराज्य र नेपाल अधिराज्य तर्पm केन्द्रित भयो । यसैका निमित्त भारतीय
कांग्रेसले नेपाली कांग्रेसको गठनमा सहयोग पु¥याएको तर्क अनुचित हु“दैन ।


ईतिहासकारहरुको
भनाई अनुसार कोईरालाहरुले राणा शासन फाल्नमा भारतले मद्धत गरेमा नेपाल भारतमा
मिलाउने वाचा गरेका थिए । भारत कोईरालहरुको केटाकेटीपनको त्यो भाकलमा मख्ख प¥यो
। बच्चा पनि आङ्खनो फाईदा देखेमा कसैलाई मद्धत गर्छ । अन्ततः १९५० मा राजा त्रिभुवन
राणाहरुबाट बच्न भारत उडे । तीन बर्षका तत्कालिन राजकुमार ज्ञानेन्द्र भने एक्लै नेपालमा
छुटेका थिए । चतुर राणाहरु भारतको यो खेलबाट अनभिज्ञ थिएनन् । १९५० मै राजतन्त्रको
अन्त्य गर्ने भारतको यो सुनियोजित योजना तीन बर्षे ज्ञानेन्द्रलाई राजमुकुट पहि¥याएर
राणाहरुले तुहाई दिए । राजतन्त्र फालेर नेपाललाई कमजोर बनाउने अनि हडप्ने भारतीय
योजनाको सुईको राणाहरुले पाएका थिए । त्यसैले राणाहरुले नेपाल बचाउन यो
बुद्धिमत्तापूर्ण कदम चाले । यस दृष्टिमा राणाहरु सच्चा राष्ट्रवादी थिए । तिनको
पतनले नेपाललाई भारतमा गाभ्ने कुचेष्टा गर्न भारतलाई हौस्यायो ।


हिन्दूहरुले
राजालाई भगवानको अवतार मान्ने हुनाले राजतन्त्र रहुन्जेल नेपाल भारतमा गाभ्न सकिंदैन
थियो । तै पनि भारत चुपलागेर बसेन, नेपाल र सिक्किमलाई भारतमा विलयको प्रस्ताव
राख्यो , तत्कालिन राजा महेन्द्र यो प्रस्तवबाट रिसाए, तर कोईरालाको प्रतिरुप
सिक्किमको प्रधानमन्त्रीले भने यो कुरा स्वीकार गरेर सिक्किम भारतको हातमा सुम्पिए ।
तीनै जना कोईराला भाइहरु भारतको सुझाव र दवावमा एक एक गरेर नेपालको प्रधानमन्त्री
भए । सबैले आआङ्खनो शासनकालमा भारतको हितमा सम्झौता गरेका छन, यसले नेपालको
परिस्थितिमा भारतलाई नजिकबाट अध्ययन र हस्तक्षेप गर्ने सजिलो गरायो । नेपालको
राजतन्त्र भारतको यो चालसंग अनभिज्ञ थिएन । नब्बेको दशकमा राजा वीरेन्द्रले नेपाललाई
शान्तिक्षेत्र घोपणा गरे, जसलाई भारत वाहेक विश्वका एकसय दश मुलुकहरुले वैधानिकता दिए
। साउथ ब्लकबाट आईरहेको यो षड्यन्त्रको दुगन्ध बुद्धिजीविहरुले महशुस गरेका थिए ।
राजा वीरेन्द्रको लोकप्रियता भारतको निमित्त प्रतिकुल थियो । भावी राजा दीपेन्द्रको
लोकप्रियताले त झन परिस्थिति निकट भविष्यमा भारतको अनुकुल हुने सम्भावना टरेर गएको
थियो ।


भारतका प्रधानमन्त्री
राजीव गान्धीले श्रीलंकामा एलटिटिइ पैदा गरेको कुरामा विश्लेषकहरु विश्वास गर्दछन,
त्यसै गरेर उनीहरुले नेपालको मनोवल तोडन माओवादी बिद्रोहको विजारोपण गरे ।
नेपालमा माओवादीहरुलाई राज्यको विरुद्धमा लडन भारतले आर्थिक मद्धत गरेको कुरा १९९६
देखी नै धेरै लेखहरुले तथा नेपालका विपक्षीदलका नेताहरुले उठाउदै आएका हुन । अनि,
माओवादीहरुको प्रमुख माग राजतन्त्रको समाप्ति थियो । माओवादीका नेताहरुको
पृष्ठपोषण भारत सरकारबाट हु“दै आएको थियो, धेरै माओवादी नेताहरु दार्जिलि¨,
लखनउ तथा दिल्लीमा बसेर गुरु योजना बनाउथे । उनीहरु तत्कालिन सरकारसंग वार्ता गर्न
दार्जिलि¨बाट आउथे । नेपालमा रहेका राजनितिकरुपमा दिक्षित छापामारहरुले उनीहरुको
योजना कार्यान्वनयन गर्दथे । भारतीय कम्युनिष्ट नेता सीताराम यचुरी नेपाली माओवादीका
कट्टर समर्थक देखिन्छन । यस वाहेक नेपाली माओवादीलाई भारत सरकारसंगै लडिरहेको
नक्सलवादी समुहहरुको पनि सहयोग प्राप्त छ । यो भारत सरकार विरुद्धको लडाई भारतीय
जनता पार्टी सरकारमा हु“दामात्र जोडतोडले हुने गर्दछ, कांग्रेस सत्तामा भएका वेला
विद्रोहीको गतिविधी न्यून हुने गर्दछ । सत्तामा जमेर रहन भारतीय कांग्रेसको
अतिवादीहरुसंग निटकतम गठबन्धन छ भन्ने कुराको यो प्रमाण हो । विद्रोही नेताहरुलाई
पक्रिन र नेपाल सपुर्दगी गर्न भारतले कहिल्यै चासो देखाएन । अन्तराष्ट्रिय आतंकवादी
घोषित भएका वेलामा पनि जव नेपाली वामपन्थी नेताहरुले २००३ मा नेपाली माओवादी
नेताहरुलाई लखनउमा भेटदा भारतले पक्रिने कुनै उपक्रम गरेन । भारतले कहिल्यै नेपालमा
शान्ति नचाहेको यो बलियो प्रमाण हो । त्यसै वेला अन्तरराष्ट्रिय संचार जगत भने
राजतन्त्रको बदनामी पैmलाउन दत्तचित्त थियो ।


नेपालका दलहरुको
माओवादीहरुसंग छलफलमा भारतीयहरुको उपस्थितिले उनीहरु बिचको गहन अन्तरसम्वन्ध देखाउछ
। ध्यान दिन योग्य कुरा यो पनि छ कि माओवादी तत्कालिन सरकारको प्रहरी
महानिरिक्षकको हत्या सजिलै गर्न सक्छन, तर कुनै नेताको हत्या प्रयास असफल हुन्छन ।
माओवादीहरु र नेताहरु वीचमा एक अर्कालाई नमार्ने संझौता थियो भन्नु संभवत गलत
हु“दैन । नेपालमा अशान्ति हुनु भारतीयहरुको नेपालको शान्तिक्षेत्रको प्रस्ताव नमान्नुको
औचित्यको पुष्टि हुनु होे । आङ्खनै मान्छेहरु कोईराला र माओवादीको मद्धतले
भारतले नेपालमा राजतन्त्र समाप्ती पार्नु, नेपाललाई आपूmमा विलय गराउन अहिलेसम्म
असफल हुनुको दरवार हत्याकाण्डसंगको सम्वन्ध केलाउनै पर्दछ । तसर्थ यस घडीको आवश्यकता
भनेको राजनैतिक विश्लेषक र जनतालाई दरवार हत्याकाण्डको अलग कोणबाट विश्लेषण
गर्न अनुरोध गर्नु हो ।


दरवार हत्याकाण्ड पछि
नाना थरिका अफवाहहरु पैmलाईयो । घटनाको लगत्तै पछि भारतीय लगानीका संचारमाध्यमहरु
सिंहासनको उत्तराधिकारीका विरुद्ध प्रचारवाजीमा लागे । नेपालमा राजतन्त्र बारेमा अनास्था
पैmलाउनु कोइराला, माओवादी र भारतको संयुक्त रणनीति थियो । राजा वीरेन्द्रको लोकप्रियताले
यो हत्याकाण्डको दोष सिंहासनको उत्तराधिकारी माथि थुपार्न सकिएमा राजतन्त्र उखेल्न
सजिलो हुनेछ भन्ने कुरा उनीको बिश्लेषण थियो, यहि भयो । राजपरिवारमा गद्धी थाम्ने
कोहि सदस्य नरहने गरेर सबैलाई मार्ने योजना आंशिक सफल भयो । हत्याकाण्डको वेला
ज्ञानेन्द्र शहर बाहिर थिए, रात्री भोजमा सरिक हुन दरवार जादै थिए, जो त्यसबेलासम्म
हत्याकाण्ड भै सकेको थियो । नेपालीहरु राजालाई बाबु सरह माया“ र आदर गर्दछन भन्ने
कुरा नेपालीहरुको खौरिएको टाउकाहरुले देखाए । स्मरणिय छ, गीरीजा प्रसाद कोईराला
दरवार हत्याकाण्डको बेला नेपालको शक्तिशाली प्रधानमन्त्री थिए । पछि, नेपालका चलेका
दैनिकहरुमा प्रकाशित धेरै लेखहरुका अनुसार उनैले राजालाई दरवारवाट हटाउन पनि सहयोग
पु¥याएका थिए । संभवत शाही हत्याको वारेमा उनलाई जानकारी थियो तर पनि यसलार्ई
रोक्नुको साटो राजतन्त्र समाप्त गर्ने धेरै पुरानो षड्यन्त्र अनुसार यसलाई रोक्ने
प्रयत्न गरेनन् ।


तत्कालीन प्रधानमन्त्री
शेर बहादुर देउवाले चुनाव गराउन, भन्ने राजाको चाहाना दुइ चोटी चुनावको मिति
सार्दा पनि पुरा भएन । संभवत चुनाव सार्दै हमेशा पदमै बसिरहने यो प्रधानमन्त्रीको
राजनीतिक चाल थियो । राष्ट्रप्रमुखले मुलुक अनिर्णयको बन्दि भैरहेको हेरेर बस्न
ह“ुदैन थियो । मन्त्रिपरिषद विघटन गर्नु संभवत यहि कर्तव्य निर्वाहको बाध्यता थियोे ।
अक्टोवर २००२मा प्रधानमन्त्री र मन्त्रिपरिषदको विघटन त्यसवेलाको संविधानले दिएको
अप्रिय कर्तव्य निर्वाह थियो । जुन २००४मा संसद पुर्नस्थापनाको साटो निवर्तमान निर्वाचित
प्रधानमन्त्रीलाईको पुर्नवाहाली गरियोे, जसले चार दलको संयुक्त सरकार बनायो, जसले
संकटकाल लगायो, नेताहरुलाई जेल हाल्यो । पछि बरु राजाको सरकारले नेताहरुलाई
जेलमुक्त ग¥यो, मे २००५मा संकटकाल हटायो, तर राजाले सम्पूर्ण शक्ति एप्रील
२००६सम्म आङ्खनो हालमा राखे । २००१मा राजा ज्ञानेन्द्र सिंहासन आरुढ हु“दा विगत दश
बर्षदेखि नेपाल गृहयुद्धले आक्रान्त थियो । नेपालका राजनीतिवाजहरुलाई अनुभवहिन
राजामाथि दोष थुपारेर आपूm चोखिन सजिलो भएको थियो । राजाले चुनाव गर्न
नसकेकोमा मन्त्रिपरिषद विघटन गरे पछि मुलुकमा कानुनको पालनामा सुधार आएको थियो,
प्रशासन चुस्त हु“दै थियो र वातावरण सुधारोन्मुख थियो । शासन कानुन पालनामा कठोर
भएका थियो । त्यसबेलासम्म बाह्र बर्षे प्रजातन्त्रले नेपालीहरुलाई अल्छी र योग्यता विहिन
बनाएको थियो । राजा यो आईपरेको संकट टार्न चहान्थे । धेरै जनता प्रगती हेर्न चाहान्थे,
अनि भ्रष्टचारीहरु वेरोजगार हु“दै थिए । राजनीतिमा ठा“उ नपाएमा नेपालका धेरै नेताहरु
अन्य कुनै काम पाउन सक्ने गरेर शिक्षित छैनन् । सरकारी कर्मचारीहरु जो कहिल्यै समय पालन
गर्दैन थिए, समयमा कार्यालयमा उपस्थित हुन थालेका थिए, र भ्रष्टचार माथि कडा लगाम लाग्दै
थियो । कुन अल्छी नेपालीले यसलाई मन पराउने थियो र ? निश्चय नै यसले उनीहरुलाई
विद्रोही बनाई दियो । यसले उनीहरुलाई राजनीतिवाजहरुसंग सांठगांठ गरेर शासनको
विरुद्धमा लडन उक्स्यायो । नेपाल र भारतका संचार माध्यमहरुले यो सांठगांठको समर्थन गरे
। यो तथाकथित क्रान्तिको सांक्षी भएका मान्छेहरु भन्दछन, क्रान्ति आरोप प्रत्यारोपको
दुखद रणनीति मात्र थियो । उनीहरुका अनुसार एप्रील २००६मा जबसम्म माओवादी राजा
बिरुद्धमा लड्न यसमा संलग्न भएनन् त्यस बेलासम्म सिमित दश पन्द्र जना जम्मा भएर प्रजातन्त्रको
पुर्नबहालीको माग राख्दै प्रर्दशन गर्दथे । प्रत्यक्षदर्शी भन्दछन आन्दोलनका बेला ट्रकका
ट्रक भरेर माओवादीहरु विद्रोहका निमित्त राजधानी शहर पसेका थिए । हिंसालाई भडकाउन
माओवादीले प्रर्दशनमा रहेका माओवादी माथि नै प्रहार गर्दथे ताकि दमनको दोष
शासनलाई थोपर्न सकियोस । पच्चीस व्यक्ति मर्ने वित्तिकै राजाले आङ्खना सबै अधिकार
त्यागेर संसद पुर्ननजीवित गरे । यसरी जो शासन मुलुकलाई माथि उठाउन चहान्थ्यो यो
तानाशाहीको प्रतीक बन्न पुग्यो । त्यस पछि यदि कसैले नेपालमा राष्ट्रवादको समर्थन
ग¥यो कि त्यसलाई राजावादीको पगरी दिएर तानाशाहको आरोप लगाईयो ।


अब राजतन्त्र विदा भएको
छ, सर्वसाधारण नेपालीहरु जो राजाका कट्टर प्रशंसक थिए उनीहरु आङ्खनो भगवान खोजी
रहेका छन । यद्यापी हिन्दूत्व र बुद्धत्वले हिंसा सिकाउदैन तथापी सर्वसाधारण
नेपालीहरु किन सडकमा निक्लेका छैनन् यो प्रश्न अनुत्तरित छ । के यो हिन्दूत्वको
धर्मको परिक्षा हो ? के गोर्खालीको रगतको परीक्षा हो ? के नेपालीहरुको
परीक्षा हो ? नेपालले अहिलेसम्म माओवादीको भिड देखेको छ, नेपालीको हैन ।
एकदिन आउनेछ जव गोर्खालीहरु अमरसिंह थापा, वीर वलभद्र कुंवर, भिमसेन थापा वा अर्को
जंगबहादुरको बहादुरी देखाउन सडकमा आउने छन् । .......के थाहा टुट्दै गरेको
नेपाल एकतावद्ध गर्न पृथ्वी नारायण शाह नै पो अवतरित हुन्छन की ?

As May 28, 2011 Approaches, UNN Co-Founder Dr. Tilak Shrestha Meets Nepal King

 

Recently, Dr. Tilak Shrestha met Nepal monarch to know the situation of the country.  Dr. Shrestha, on behalf of the concerned citizens expressed concern over the systematic assaults on the fundamentals of the nationhood – basic daily needs including water and electricity, educational institutions, economic infrastructures, employment, and basic law and order.  King Gyanendra suggested building a network of individuals and pooling the necessary resources to bring stability, growth, democracy, peace and prosperity in the nation for the well being of citizens. He stated that monarchs work for the long term structural good of the nation, not for short term cheap popularity. His effort to streamline the derailed democratic process in 2005 was misinterpreted. To some extent, it was his government’s shortcoming for not explaining the issue to the people effectively.  He always desired to be within the constitution and no steps were taken outside. His only desire is to see Nepal peaceful and prosperous. When Dr. Shrestha reminded the wrong direction the nation is heading towards, he said that he was fully aware of the fact and thus it is the duty of all Nepalese to be concerned with the developments and the future of Nepal.

Dr. Shrestha urged King Gyanendra to encourage an agenda of protecting people's very freedom, providing opportunities for education, free business and trade environment, creating jobs and providing security to citizens by enforcing law and order in this chaotic time. Dr. Shrestha mentioned to King Gyanendra that, in general, democratic practice of different parties ruling is good for the country. It allows people to learn the realities of parties and leaders, and make realistic choices. However, current events are not about the democratic practices, but about political forces unwilling to abide by democratic norm and playing an active role in division of the nation. It is not about the positive learning curve, but about the slide into the national disintegration. The issue must be well understood and feared by all citizens.

UNN thanks King Gyanendra for his graciousness to provide time and share the issues raised by UNN and Nepali at large.

 ....

b/af/ xTofsf08 cnu b[li6sf]0f

g]kfnsf] 36gfqmddf rf;f] /fVg] ljZjsf w]/} ;+rf/dfWodx?n] k|of]u ug{] u/]sf] d;fn]bf/ lzif{s xf] Úg]kfndf /fhtGq ;dfKt eof]Æ . g]kfnsf] b'/fj:yfsf] k|d'v eflubf/ / lgb]{zs g]kfnsf] glhssf] l5d]sL ef/t b]lvG5 . o;sf] s]lx P]ltxfl;s / ;d;fdflos k[i6e"ld s]nfpg pko'Qm x'G5 . of] ljZn]if0fsf] cefjn] g]kfndf ePsf] cft+sjfb ef/t k|fof]lht ePsf] s'/fdf ljZj cgle1 5 . of] czflGtdo ljZjdf g]kfn Ps cToGt zfGt cl3/fHo ePsf] yfxf lyof] . hf] ;+ejt ef/tnfO{ dg k/]sf] lyPg . lj;f} ztflAbsf] dWolt/ g]kfndf o:tf] sxfnLnfUbf] bl/b|tf lyPg eGg] ;Toaf6 w]/}n] cf+vf lrDng] k|oTg ug{ ;Sb5g . k|wfgdGqL h+uaxfb'/ /f0ffn] a[l6; O{G8LofnfO{ l;kfxL lab|f]x bjfpg d4t ug'{ g} g]kfn / ef/tsf clxn] zf;g ug]{x?sf]] aLrsf] j}dgZotfsf] z'?jft dfGg ;lsG5 . g]kfnsf /f0ff k|wfgdGqLx?n] a[l6; OG8LofnfO{ ;xof]u gu/]sf] eP ;+ejt !*%& d} ef/t hlGdg] lyof . cem uf]/vf kmf}hsf] tfut e/tLo :jtGqtf cfGbf]ngsf] lgldQ cuDo afwf ;/x lyof] . ef/tsf] :jtGqtf nuQ} !(%)df g]kfndf /f0ff zf;gsf] klg ktg eof] . tTsflng k|wfgdGqL df]xg zd;]/ /f0ff ;QfRo"t ePkl5 :jlgjf{;gdf ef/t g} uP . g]kfnsf] xfnLd'xfnL !(%) ;Dd /fhtGqnfO{ ykgf /fv]/ /f0ffx?n] g} rnfP .

clxn] g]kfnsf dxTjk"0f{ JolQm dflgPsf sf]O{/fnfx? ef/tLox?;+u} sf“wdf sf“w ldnfP/ ljzfn ef/tLo ;+3sf] lgldQ nl8/x]sf lyP . tLg} efO{ sf]O{/fnfx? a[l6; O{lG8ofsf] pQ/L k|fGtdf pgL x's]{ a9]sf x'g cem sf]xL t hGd]sf] klg Tolx xf] . of] sf]O{/fnf kl/jf/n] cfk"m g]kfnL ePsf] hlt bfjL u/] klg pgLx?sf] h8 tyf xf+uflj+uf ef/t d} kfO{G5 . clxn] klg sf]O{/fnf kl/jf/sf w]/} ;b:ox?sf] /f;f]jf;f] ef/td} 5 . sf]O{/fnfx? ef/tLo ;+3sf] lgldQ n8]s lyP, o;df ;kmntfsf] glhs k'u]] kl5 of]hgfsf] bf]>f] efudf pgLx?nfO{ ef/t leq} g]kfnL sf+u|]; kf6L{ agfpg] lgb]{zg eof] . !($&df kfls:tfg ;+u} ef/t klg hGDof] . ef/t / kfls:tfgsf] cfjfbL / If]qkmn x]bf{ Gofol]lrt u7g eGGg ;lsGg, o;f] x'gfsf] sf/0f u7gsf] cfwf/ wd{ lyof] . ultnf /fHox? Eff/tLo ;+3df ufleP . lxGb" /fhf xl/ l;xn] zf;g u/]sf hDd' sflZd/sf ax';+Vos hgtf d'l:nd lyP . /fhf xl/ l;+xn] :jtGq /xg] lg0f{o u/] . g]x?n] ;+o"Qm /fi6«;+3sf] 3f]if0ffsf] slxNo} kfng u/]gg, n/ !($*sf] cGTo lt/ ;+o"Qm /fi6«;+3sf] o"4lj/fdsf] cf8df ef/tn] sn, 5n / ann] hDd' sflZd/ xTofof] . To;}n] of] ljnon] k|Zg hGdfp5 . hDd' sflZd/ dfly ef/t / kfls:tfg b"a}n] e'm6\6f] bfjL u/]sf lyP . clxn] klg To;nfO{ cGt/fli6«o ;d'bfon] ljjf:kb If]qsf] ?kdf lnG5 . nuQ} ef/tn] Ujflno/ clw/fHo / x}b/fjfb clw/fHo if8oGqk"j{s cfk'mdf ljno u/fof] . tb'k/fGt ef/tsf] lu4] b[li6 l;lSsd clw/fHo / g]kfn clw/fHo tk{m s]lGb|t eof] . o;}sf lgldQ ef/tLo sf+u|];n] g]kfnL sf+u|];sf] u7gdf ;xof]u k'¥ofPsf] ts{ cg'lrt x'“b}g .

O{ltxf;sf/x?sf] egfO{ cg';f/ sf]O{/fnfx?n] /f0ff zf;g kmfNgdf ef/tn] d4t u/]df g]kfn ef/tdf ldnfpg] jfrf u/]sf lyP . ef/t sf]O{/fnx?sf] s]6fs]6Lkgsf] Tof] efsndf dVv k¥of] . aRrf klg cfÎgf] kmfO{bf b]v]df s;}nfO{ d4t u5{ . cGttM !(%) df /fhf lqe'jg /f0ffx?Aff6 aRg ef/t p8] . tLg aif{sf tTsflng /fhs'df/ 1fg]Gb| eg] PSn} g]kfndf 5'6]sf lyP . rt'/ /f0ffx? Eff/tsf] of] v]naf6 cgle1 lyPgg\ . !(%) d} /fhtGqsf] cGTo ug]{ ef/tsf] of] ;'lgof]lht of]hgf tLg aif]{ 1fg]Gb|nfO{ /fhd's'6 klx¥ofP/ /f0ffx?n] t'xfO{ lbP . /fhtGq kmfn]/ g]kfnnfO{ sdhf]/ agfpg] clg x8Kg] ef/tLo of]hgfsf] ;'O{sf] /f0ffx?n] kfPsf lyP . To;}n] /f0ffx?n] g]kfn arfpg of] a'l4dQfk"0f{ sbd rfn] . o; b[li6df /f0ffx? ;Rrf /fi6«jfbL lyP . ltgsf] ktgn] g]kfnnfO{ ef/tdf ufEg] s'r]i6f ug{ ef/tnfO{ xf}:ofof] .

lxGb"x?n] /fhfnfO{ eujfgsf] cjtf/ dfGg] x'gfn] /fhtGq /x'Gh]n g]kfn ef/tdf ufEg ;ls+b}g lyof] . t} klg ef/t r'knfu]/ a;]g, g]kfn / l;lSsdnfO{ ef/tdf ljnosf] k|:tfj /fVof] , tTsflng /fhf dx]Gb| of] k|:tjaf6 l/;fP, t/ sf]O{/fnfsf] k|lt?k l;lSsdsf] k|wfgdGqLn] eg] of] s'/f :jLsf/ u/]/ l;lSsd ef/tsf] xftdf ;'lDkP . tLg} hgf sf]O{/fnf efOx? Eff/tsf] ;'emfj / bjfjdf Ps Ps u/]/ g]kfnsf] k|wfgdGqL eP . ;a}n] cfcfÎgf] zf;gsfndf ef/tsf] lxtdf ;Demf}tf u/]sf 5g, o;n] g]kfnsf] kl/l:yltdf ef/tnfO{ glhsaf6 cWoog / x:tIf]k ug]{ ;lhnf] u/fof] . g]kfnsf] /fhtGq ef/tsf] of] rfn;+u cgle1 lyPg . gAa]sf] bzsdf /fhf jL/]Gb|n] g]kfnnfO{ zflGtIf]q 3f]k0ff u/], h;nfO{ ef/t jfx]s ljZjsf Ps;o bz d'n'sx?n] j}wflgstf lbP . ;fpy Ansaf6 cfO{/x]sf] of] if8\oGqsf] b'uGw a'l4hLljx?n] dxz'; u/]sf lyP . /fhf jL/]Gb|sf] nf]slk|otf ef/tsf] lgldQ k|lts'n lyof] . efjL /fhf bLk]Gb|sf] nf]slk|otfn] t emg kl/l:ylt lgs6 eljiodf ef/tsf] cg's'n x'g] ;Defjgf 6/]/ uPsf] lyof] .

ef/tsf k|wfgdGqL /fhLj ufGwLn] >Ln+sfdf Pnl6l6O k}bf u/]sf] s'/fdf ljZn]ifsx? ljZjf; ub{5g, To;} u/]/ pgLx?n] g]kfnsf] dgf]jn tf]8g dfcf]jfbL lab|f]xsf] ljhf/f]k0f u/] . g]kfndf dfcf]jfbLx?nfO{ /fHosf] lj?4df n8g ef/tn] cfly{s d4t u/]sf] s'/f !((^ b]vL g} w]/} n]vx?n] tyf g]kfnsf ljkIfLbnsf g]tfx?n] p7fpb} cfPsf x'g . clg, dfcf]jfbLx?sf] k|d'v dfu /fhtGqsf] ;dflKt lyof] . dfcf]jfbLsf g]tfx?sf] k[i7kf]if0f ef/t ;/sf/af6 x'“b} cfPsf] lyof], w]/} dfcf]jfbL g]tfx? bflh{ln¨, nvgp tyf lbNnLdf a;]/ u'? of]hgf agfpy] . pgLx? tTsflng ;/sf/;+u jftf{ ug{ bflh{ln¨af6 cfpy] . g]kfndf /x]sf /fhlglts?kdf lblIft 5fkfdf/x?n] pgLx?sf] of]hgf sfof{Gjgog ub{y] . ef/tLo sDo'lgi6 g]tf ;Ltf/fd or'/L g]kfnL dfcf]jfbLsf s6\6/ ;dy{s b]lvG5g . o; jfx]s g]kfnL dfcf]jfbLnfO{ ef/t ;/sf/;+u} nl8/x]sf] gS;njfbL ;d'xx?sf] klg ;xof]u k|fKt 5 . of] ef/t ;/sf/ lj?4sf] n8fO{ ef/tLo hgtf kf6L{ ;/sf/df x'“bfdfq hf]8tf]8n] x'g] ub{5, sf+u|]; ;Qfdf ePsf j]nf ljb|f]xLsf] ultljwL Go"g x'g] ub{5 . ;Qfdf hd]/ /xg ef/tLo sf+u|];sf] cltjfbLx?;+u lg6std u7aGwg 5 eGg] s'/fsf] of] k|df0f xf] . ljb|f]xL g]tfx?nfO{ kls|g / g]kfn ;k'b{uL ug{ ef/tn] slxNo} rf;f] b]vfPg . cGt/fli6«o cft+sjfbL 3f]lift ePsf j]nfdf klg hj g]kfnL jfdkGyL g]tfx?n] @))# df g]kfnL dfcf]jfbL g]tfx?nfO{ nvgpdf e]6bf ef/tn] kls|g] s'g} pkqmd u/]g . ef/tn] slxNo} g]kfndf zflGt grfx]sf] of] alnof] k|df0f xf] . To;} j]nf cGt//fli6«o ;+rf/ hut eg] /fhtGqsf] abgfdL k}mnfpg bQlrQ lyof] .

g]kfnsf bnx?sf] dfcf]jfbLx?;+u 5nkmndf ef/tLox?sf] pkl:yltn] pgLx? larsf] uxg cGt/;DjGw b]vfp5 . Wofg lbg of]Uo s'/f of] klg 5 ls dfcf]jfbL tTsflng ;/sf/sf] k|x/L dxflgl/Ifssf] xTof ;lhn} ug{ ;S5g, t/ s'g} g]tfsf] xTof k|of; c;kmn x'G5g . dfcf]jfbLx? / g]tfx? jLrdf Ps csf{nfO{ gdfg]{ ;+emf}tf lyof] eGg' ;+ejt unt x'“b}g . g]kfndf czflGt x'g' ef/tLox?sf] g]kfnsf] zflGtIf]qsf] k|:tfj gdfGg'sf] cf}lrTosf] k'li6 x'g' xf]] . cfÎg} dfG5]x? sf]O{/fnf / dfcf]jfbLsf] d4tn] ef/tn] g]kfndf /fhtGq ;dfKtL kfg'{, g]kfnnfO{ cfk"mdf ljno u/fpg clxn];Dd c;kmn x'g'sf] b/jf/ xTofsf08;+usf] ;DjGw s]nfpg} kb{5 . t;y{ o; 38Lsf] cfjZostf eg]sf] /fhg}lts ljZn]ifs / hgtfnfO{ b/jf/ xTofsf08sf] cnu sf]0faf6 ljZn]if0f ug{ cg'/f]w ug'{ xf] .

b/jf/ xTofsf08 kl5 gfgf yl/sf ckmjfxx? k}mnfO{of] . 36gfsf] nuQ} kl5 ef/tLo nufgLsf ;+rf/dfWodx? l;+xf;gsf] pQ/flwsf/Lsf lj?4 k|rf/jfhLdf nfu] . g]kfndf /fhtGq af/]df cgf:yf k}mnfpg' sf]O/fnf, dfcf]jfbL / ef/tsf] ;+o'Qm /0fgLlt lyof] . /fhf jL/]Gb|sf] nf]slk|otfn] of] xTofsf08sf] bf]if l;+xf;gsf] pQ/flwsf/L dfly y'kfg{ ;lsPdf /fhtGq pv]Ng ;lhnf] x'g]5 eGg] s'/f pgLsf] laZn]if0f lyof], olx eof] . /fhkl/jf/df u4L yfDg] sf]lx ;b:o g/xg] u/]/ ;a}nfO{ dfg]{ of]hgf cf+lzs ;kmn eof] . xTofsf08sf] j]nf 1fg]Gb| zx/ aflx/ lyP, /fqL ef]hdf ;l/s x'g b/jf/ hfb} lyP, hf] To;a]nf;Dd xTofsf08 e} ;s]sf] lyof] . g]kfnLx? /fhfnfO{ afa' ;/x dfof“ / cfb/ ub{5g eGg] s'/f g]kfnLx?sf] vf}l/Psf] 6fpsfx?n] b]vfP . :d/l0fo 5, uL/Lhf k|;fb sf]O{/fnf b/jf/ xTofsf08sf] a]nf g]kfnsf] zlQmzfnL k|wfgdGqL lyP . kl5, g]kfnsf rn]sf b}lgsx?df k|sflzt w]/} n]vx?sf cg';f/ pg}n] /fhfnfO{ b/jf/jf6 x6fpg klg ;xof]u k'¥ofPsf lyP . ;+ejt zfxL xTofsf] jf/]df pgnfO{ hfgsf/L lyof] t/ klg o;nfO{{ /f]Sg'sf] ;f6f] /fhtGq ;dfKt ug]{ w]/} k'/fgf] if8\oGq cg';f/ o;nfO{ /f]Sg] k|oTg u/]gg\ .

tTsfnLg k|wfgdGqL z]/ axfb'/ b]pjfn] r'gfj u/fpg, eGg] /fhfsf] rfxfgf b'O rf]6L r'gfjsf] ldlt ;fbf{ klg k'/f ePg . ;+ejt r'gfj ;fb}{ xd]zf kbd} al;/xg] of] k|wfgdGqLsf] /fhgLlts rfn lyof] . /fi6«k|d'vn]] d'n's clg0f{osf] alGb e}/x]sf] x]/]/ a:g x“'b}g lyof] . dlGqkl/ifb lj36g ug'{ ;+ejt olx st{Jo lgjf{xsf] afWotf lyof]] . cS6f]j/ @))@df k|wfgdGqL / dlGqkl/ifbsf] lj36g To;j]nfsf] ;+ljwfgn] lbPsf] clk|o st{Jo lgjf{x lyof] . h'g @))$df ;+;b k'g{:yfkgfsf] ;f6f] lgjt{dfg lgjf{lrt k|wfgdGqLnfO{sf] k'g{jfxfnL ul/of]]], h;n] rf/ bnsf] ;+o'Qm ;/sf/ agfof], h;n] ;+s6sfn nufof], g]tfx?nfO{ h]n xfNof] . kl5 a? /fhfsf] ;/sf/n] g]tfx?nfO{ h]nd'Qm u¥of], d] @))%df ;+s6sfn x6fof], t/ /fhfn] ;Dk"0f{ zlQm Pk|Ln @))^;Dd cfÎgf] xfndf /fv] . @))!df /fhf 1fg]Gb| l;+xf;g cf?9 x'“bf ljut bz aif{b]lv g]kfn u[xo'4n] cfqmfGt lyof] . g]kfnsf /fhgLltjfhx?nfO{ cg'ejlxg /fhfdfly bf]if y'kf/]/ cfk"m rf]lvg ;lhnf] ePsf] lyof] . /fhfn] r'gfj ug{ g;s]sf]df dlGqkl/ifb lj36g u/] kl5 d'n'sdf sfg'gsf] kfngfdf ;'wf/ cfPsf] lyof], k|zf;g r':t x'“b} lyof] / jftfj/0f ;'wf/f]Gd'v lyof] . zf;g sfg'g kfngfdf s7f]/ ePsf lyof] . To;a]nf;Dd afx| aif]{ k|hftGqn] g]kfnLx?nfO{ cN5L / of]Uotf ljlxg agfPsf] lyof] . /fhf of] cfO{k/]sf] ;+s6 6fg{ rxfGy] . w]/} hgtf k|utL x]g{ rfxfGy], clg e|i6rf/Lx? j]/f]huf/ x'“b} lyP . /fhgLltdf 7f“p gkfPdf g]kfnsf w]/} g]tfx? cGo s'g} sfd kfpg ;Sg] u/]/ lzlIft 5}gg\ . ;/sf/L sd{rf/Lx? hf] slxNo} ;do kfng ub}{g lyP, ;dodf sfof{nodf pkl:yt x'g yfn]sf lyP, / e|i6rf/ dfly s8f nufd nfUb} lyof] . s'g cN5L g]kfnLn] o;nfO{ dg k/fpg] lyof] / < lgZro g} o;n] pgLx?nfO{ ljb|f]xL agfO{ lbof] . o;n] pgLx?nfO{ /fhgLltjfhx?;+u ;f+7uf+7 u/]/ zf;gsf] lj?4df n8g pS:ofof] . g]kfn / ef/tsf ;+rf/ dfWodx?n] of] ;f+7uf+7sf] ;dy{g u/] . of] tyfslyt qmflGtsf] ;f+IfL ePsf dfG5]x? eGb5g, qmflGt cf/f]k k|Tof/f]ksf] b'vb /0fgLlt dfq lyof] . pgLx?sf cg';f/ Pk|Ln @))^df ha;Dd dfcf]jfbL /fhf la?4df n8\g o;df ;+nUg ePgg\ To; a]nf;Dd l;ldt bz kGb| hgf hDdf eP/ k|hftGqsf] k'g{axfnLsf] dfu /fVb} k|b{zg ub{y] . k|ToIfbzL{ eGb5g cfGbf]ngsf a]nf 6«ssf 6«s e/]/ dfcf]jfbLx? ljb|f]xsf lgldQ /fhwfgL zx/ k;]sf lyP . lx+;fnfO{ e8sfpg dfcf]jfbLn] k|b{zgdf /x]sf dfcf]jfbL dfly g} k|xf/ ub{y] tfls bdgsf] bf]if zf;gnfO{ yf]kg{ ;lsof]; . kRrL; JolQm dg]{ ljlQs} /fhfn] cfÎgf ;a} clwsf/ Tofu]/ ;+;b k'g{ghLljt u/] . o;/L hf] zf;g d'n'snfO{ dfly p7fpg rxfGYof] of] tfgfzfxLsf] k|tLs aGg k'Uof] . To; kl5 olb s;}n] g]kfndf /fi6«jfbsf] ;dy{g u¥of] ls To;nfO{ /fhfjfbLsf] ku/L lbP/ tfgfzfxsf] cf/f]k nufO{of] .

ca /fhtGq ljbf ePsf] 5, ;j{;fwf/0f g]kfnLx? Hff] /fhfsf s6\6/ k|z+;s lyP pgLx? cfÎgf] eujfg vf]hL /x]sf 5g . oBfkL lxGb"Tj / a'4Tjn] lx+;f l;sfpb}g tyfkL ;j{;fwf/0f g]kfnLx? lsg ;8sdf lgSn]sf 5}gg\ of] k|Zg cg'Ql/t 5 . s] of] lxGb"Tjsf] wd{sf] kl/Iff xf] < s] uf]vf{nLsf] /utsf] k/LIff xf] < s] g]kfnLx?sf] k/LIff xf] < g]kfnn] clxn];Dd dfcf]jfbLsf] le8 b]v]sf] 5, g]kfnLsf] x}g . Pslbg cfpg]5 hj uf]vf{nLx? cd/l;+x yfkf, jL/ jneb| s'+j/, led;]g yfkf jf csf]{ h+uaxfb'/sf] axfb'/L b]vfpg ;8sdf cfpg] 5g\ . =======s] yfxf 6'6\b} u/]sf] g]kfn Pstfj4 ug{ k[YjL gf/fo0f zfx g} kf] cjtl/t x'G5g sL <

 

 

Same story is again in the air.

Atankabaadi Bauram Bhattarai le kina mareko raichha bhaner balla clear huna thale ko chha.  Pahila ta yo article maathi mailai khasai biswas thiyena, tara aba ta biswas na garne reason nai chhaina.

Daura Suruwal hatayer hami sabai aba Gandhi Topi ra Dhoti lagauna payeko ma sablai badhai.

Thukka.

aju161   Posted on 04-27-10 2:50 PM     Reply | Notify Admin [Subscribe]

Rate this Post:     0 Like       0 Flag         Fix Unicode

Live at present. Lets see what your elected leaders will bring in the country

Rid,

How were you able to change the font?  What converter do you use?

While googling Nepal massacre, it shows an indexed page. But no post. anyone having similar issue? 

Dipendra killed his family, that's the truth.

The original article makes a lot of sense now. It was posted here but removed by Sajha.

_______________________________________________


"Monarchy is over in Nepal ". The same title is being used in fashionable ways by media throughout the world - of course, only those who hold significant stake in Nepal. The biggest stake holder and the director of Nepal's devastation is Nepal's closest and most sadistic neighbor, India.

Even though the intellectuals are familiar with this direction, I would like to show why the world remains silent on India's sponsorship of terrorism in Nepal. Quite surprisingly, the actors have created a huge mass of junior actors in the hope of making them a lead actor one day. In the meantime, the director is enjoying the show. Let's trace back when the director thought to direct this inhuman movie that might not leave the director an option of bankruptcy if the truth is exposed.

As known to the world, Nepal was a Kingdom and the most peaceful country in this chaotic earth. While many may disagree, however, there was no extreme poverty in Nepal in the mid 20th century. The Indo-Nepal friction started when the then Prime Minister of Nepal - Jung Bahaur Rana - supported the British India to suppress the Sepoy Rebellion. In 1857, India could have born, but since the Rana prime ministers of Nepal were strong allies of the British, they supported the British in their mission to crush any independence revolution.

In fact, Nepal had already become an enemy of Indians then. Moreover, the strength of the Gurkha army was the biggest obstacle for the Indians to overcome. Because of Rana's support for British India, the later known India could not gain independence until 1947. Many of us forget to note, immediately after India was born, the Rana Empire was thrown out in Nepal in the year 1950. The then Prime Minster of Nepal - Mohan Shumsher Rana - was deposed and would later go to India on a self imposed exile. His titular successor - Pashupati Shumsher Rana - still resides in Nepal. His role would come into play post the Royal Massacre of 2001. Until 1950, Ranas were the prime rulers of Nepal and the monarchy was only symbolic. When India was born in 1947, the then prime minister of India was Jawarharlal Nehru - the same leader who kicked out Indira Nehru for marrying a Muslim, who would later become Indira Gandhi and the biggest enemy of Hindus and Sikhs.

There was another family who was fighting for the Indian state with the Indians - the Koiralas. Koiralas were Indians who were born in the Northern Province of British India - modern day Bihar or Uttar Pradesh in India. Koiralas were three brothers who were born and raised in India. The family claims to be originally from Nepal, however, their roots and bushes have been found only in India. Even today, much of Koirala family resides in India - respecting the motherland.

The Koirala brothers joined the struggle to give birth to India. During the later years when India was about to born, Koiralas were suggested to form the Nepal Congress Party within India. Finally India was born in 1947 with another new nation - Pakistan.

Appropriate justice does not seem to have been carried out looking at the area of India and Pakistan and the number of people residing there. The most important factor was religion. Most of the princely states were to accede to the Union of India. One of the biggest Kingdoms was the Kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir whose King Raja Hari Singh was a Hindu and the population majority was Muslim. Raja Hari Singh decided not to surrender his Kingdom to either of the countries. However, illegally, India annexed the Kingdom into its Union.

It is interesting to see how Indian textbooks claim this beautiful Kingdom a part of India. In the last days of 1948, a ceasefire was agreed under UN auspices demanding a plebiscite. Nehru never proceeded with the UN resolution and hence, the ascertainity of the instrument of accession is questionable. The Kingdom - as falsely claimed by India and Pakistan - is still considered as the international disputed territory. Then India annexed the Kingdom of Gwalior, and the Kingdom of Hyderabad.

By all means, they were illegal annexations. India's vulture eyes were gazing on the Kingdom of Sikkim and the Kingdom of Nepal. The Indian Congress had helped create Nepali congress for a good reason. The Indians had foreseen their fortune in Nepal. The Koiralas were assured by the Indians that they would help Nepal merge into India if the Indians help overthrow the Rana regime in Nepal.

India was lured with this Childish Koirala Deal. Even a newborn child would see the benefit in helping the needy brothers. Finally, in 1950, King Tribhuwan fled to India to seek refuge from the Ranas. The only Royal member left was the 3 year old, the then prince Gyanendra. The Ranas - who were expert in analyzing the future - were familiar with the Indian game. The Indians had thought to end the monarchy in 1950, but the Ranas, moving a mile ahead, crowned the 3 year old as the King of the Kingdom of Nepal.

The Koiralas' and the Indian dream shattered. The Ranas knew that India wanted to weaken Nepal by overthrowing the monarchy. Hence, they took the wisest step to save Nepal, and we witnessed the result. Even though the Ranas were able to save Nepal's monarchy, unfortunately, their Empire was brought down. Since Ranas were the true Nationalists, their downfall encouraged India to envision a possibility of annexing Nepal into India.

It was not as easy as the Indians had presumed. The King in Nepal was considered the reincarnation of a Hindu God, and replacing the institution of Monarchy was their far dream. They figured where the problem lay - the Monarchy. Nevertheless, India did not stay quiet, and offered Sikkim and Nepal to sign the instrument of accession and join the Union of India. Nepal's then King Mahendra was infuriated by the proposal, whereas the "Koirala equivalent" prime Minister of Sikkim offered Sikkim to the hands of India, only to be slaughtered. The three Koirala brothers became the prime ministers of Nepal on the recommendation and pressure from India. This paved an easy path for the Indians to intrude in Nepal's internal affairs.

Nepal 's monarchy was well aware of this Indian strategy, however, the then King Birendra had declared Nepal as the Zone of Peace in the 90s. This was endorsed by more than 110 countries, but not India. Intellectuals could smell the stink that was coming from the southern block. King Birendra's popularity almost made India's dream a nightmare. Moreover, the future King Dipendra was one of the most popular figures of Nepalese monarchy in history.

India's dream was almost impossible. As the Indian Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi created LTTE in Sri Lanka, they thought they would help launch a Maoist revolution in Nepal to break Nepal. The Maoists' top demand was the abolition of Monarchy. Since 1996, India started funding Nepal Maoists to fight against the state. As the Maoist party was formed in 1996, their leaders were backed up by the Indian government.

Most of the Maoist leaders lived in Darjeeling, Lucknow, and Delhi in India and masterminded their plan. These plans were executed by guerrillas who lived in Nepal and were dying to fight. In other words, India created Communism in Nepal. They also were supported by the Indian Communist leaders and other Naxalite group fighting against the Indian government for communism. Surprisingly, India never helped Nepal's government to arrest those leaders and extradite them to Nepal.

When Nepali Maoists met Nepali Communist leaders in Lucknow, India in 2003, India's government did not take the initiative to arrest them, even though they were recognized as terrorists. Hence it is evident that India never wanted peace in Nepal. At the same time, international media was busy defaming King Gyanendra.

The interesting chemistry was all political parties held discussions in India with the Maoists in the Indians' presence. The irony was Maoists were able to kill Inspector General of Police of the Royal Nepalese Government, but were not able to kill any leaders. This does not digest well. These Maoists and leaders were in agreement not to kill each others leaders. Although India was successful in proving why they did not endorse "Zone of Peace", they were unable to offer prayers to the King. Then India played the worst game with the help of its own citizens - Koiralas, and Maoists to end the Nepalese monarchy - which the world today knows as Nepal's Royal Massacre.

After the Royal Massacre, much speculations was in the air. However, immediately after the incident, the media, funded by India, started to rail against Gyanendra, who was the only heir left to the throne. The strategy of India, the Koiralas and the Maoists, was to defame the monarchy and most importantly, the monarch who was unknown to the world. India knew that King Birendra was most popular and if the blame could be dumped on Gyanendra, it would be the easiest way to uproot the monarchy.

And so that was the story we witnessed. India had a sound plan to kill the Royal Family so that no one else would remain alive to keep the monarchy breathing. However, the massacre happened when King Gyanendra was out of town and allegedly was on the way back to the massacre site for dinner. Gyanendra was crowned again as the King of Nepal, and India, once again, could not prove to be a successful director.

India funded media began airing speculations about King Gyanendra. The love and respect for the King was then seen by the shaved head of all the Nepalese - who respected the Nepalese Monarch as their father. Noticeably, the present Prime Minster, Girija Prasad, the same Indian Citizen, was the Prime Minister of Nepal during the Royal Massacre. He helped India facilitate the killings. Later, he also facilitated King Gyanendra, to be removed from the palace. In other words, the Koiralas were well aware of the killings, but instead of stopping India from kill the royals, the old traitor helped them successfully execute the plan.

The King wanted the then prime minister Sher Bahadur Deuba to hold the elections but even after he was granted an extension of the election date twice, he was never motivated to hold the election. The underlying political reason was that he wanted to remain in office by postponing the election.

As a Chief of State, King Gyanendra could not wait to see his country devastated. This made him sack the cabinet and impose direct rule. Subsequently, in October 2002, King Gyanendra dismissed the prime minister and his cabinet. While stopping short of reestablishing parliament, the king in June 2004 reinstated the most recently elected prime minister who formed a four-party coalition government. The King, citing dissatisfaction with the government, dissolved the government in 2005, declared a state of emergency, imprisoned party leaders, and assumed power. The king's government subsequently released party leaders and officially ended the state of emergency in May 2005, but the monarch retained absolute power until April 2006.

When King Gyanendra ascended throne in 2002, Nepal had been going through civil war for ten years. Politicians of Nepal, as an easy excuse to take benefit from inexperienced King put the blame on him. When the King sacked the parliament for its inability to hold elections, the law was enforced, the administration was healthy and the environment was getting conducive. He acted tough on the people to enforce laws. The 12 years of democracy by then had made Nepalese lazy and incompetent, but the king wanted to abolish the ongoing crisis.

While most Nepalese were pleased to see this progress, the corrupted people were unemployed. The leaders of Nepal were barely educated to find jobs, other than in politics. The government employees who never showed up on time were forced to be in the office and corruption was strictly made illegal. How could idle Nepalese like that? I think that is what made them revolt.

That led the politicians to ally together and form a coalition to fight the King. Nepal and Indian media supported these coalition leaders. 10-15 people gathered to restore democracy and started a protest. It was not until April 2006, when the Maoists joined the movement to fight against king. Truckloads of Maoists entered the capital city to revolt. As a way to spread violence, Maoists attacked other Maoists in the revolution process and charged the King for their deaths. After 30 people were killed, the King gave up all the powers and reinstated the government. Hence, the King who wanted to make the country progress was framed as a dictator. Following that, if anyone in Nepal supported nationalism, then they were labeled as royalists or a dictator.

Now that the monarchy is gone, common Nepalese who are diehard fans of the King, are looking for their God. However, Hinduism and Buddism have not taught violence to Nepalese. Maybe that's why common Nepalese are not on the streets yet.

I remain unanswered, is Hinduism's patience tested? Is Gurkhas' blood tested? Are the Nepalese tested? Nepal has so far witnessed the Maoist crowd, not the Nepali crowd, there will be a day when Gurkhalis will be on the streets to show the bravery of Amar Singh Thapa, Bir Balbhadra Kunwar, Bhimsen Thapa, or another Jung Bahadur Rana... and who knows, another Prithvi Narayan Shah to Unify the breaking Nepal.
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I posted this somewhere else:
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ज्ञानेन्द्र को ठाउँ मा मा भएको भैदिए मैले आत्महत्या गर्थे. संसार को सबै भन्दा अभागी मान्छे नै हो उनि. गुण पृथ्वी नारायण शाह जस्तो तर अभागी. जे गर्न खोजे पनि परिणाम नराम्रो. धेरै जसो सबै लै थाहा छ अब, बिरेन्द्र को हत्या भारत ले नै गराएको हो. तर यो भारत को एक्लै खेल थिएन. येस्मा गिरिजा प्रसाद कोइराला र नेपाल को ६ जना आर्मी गेनेरल को हात थियो. मैले पनि ज्ञानेन्द्र लै दोषी ठानेको थिए २००१ मा. पछि थाहा हुँदै गयो, नेपाल को संचार को धेरै भर गर्नु हुँदैन. आफ्नो दिमाग लगाउन धेरै जरूरी छ.  म त्यो दिन कहिले पनि बिर्सिन सक्दिन. आफ्नो अगाडी राजा विवस र रोएको. तँ अब के को राजा भन्दै गएको र एकछिन पछि आफु माथि मलाई धिक्कार लाग्यो. बिरेन्द्र नेपाल को राजा मात्र थिएनन्, ज्ञानेन्द्र को प्यारो दाइ पनि थिए. धिरेन्द्र जस्तो भए पनि आफ्नो भाइ थियो. अहिले न त भै छन्, न तिनका परिवार, न त बाउ को नै छाया छ. दुनिया भरि को अपजस सहेर पनि नेपाल मै किन बस्ने? संसार क हरेक राजा हरु त अर्को देश भागेका छन्. कुरा हरु धेरै छन्. आज मैले एउटा असल मानिस लै भै मरुवा भनेर सोचेको म आफु लै पापी ठान्छु. तेस्तो दुर्भाग्य मेरो घर म घट्यो भने दुनिया ले मलाई पनि तेस्तै सोच्छन . के लेखुं ह्याँ, कसैले मतलब गर्ने हैन.

Ho bittertruth. Dipendra le mareko pakka ho. Oridinarily, we cannot even think of.

 rupas...i somehow feel that your article seems to be truth....while the whole government officials and politicians are corrupted...it is not that hard for media to get corrupted as well ...india always had been big influence to nepalese politics....and royal massacre and ending monarchy could be a total game changing plan for india to get hands on nepal...idk what to say there are 30 million people in nepal....if we unite together and get help from other powerful countries ...we can say [Disallowed String for - bad word] you to india and make our own country

Nepalkochhora,

Just clarifying, I am not the writer of the article. Another person wrote this article. It was posted in Sajha back in the days but it was deleted (seems like) for unknown reason. You can still google the article and find it.

अहिले सम्म पनि बिरेन्द्र को  बंश ज्ञानेन्द्र ले नास गरेको हो भनेर सोच्ने मान्छे हरु लै म महा मुर्ख को गोर्खा दक्षिण बाहु प्रदान गर्न चाहन्छु. बिरेन्द्र को हत्या ज्ञानेन्द्र ले नभई बिदेशी शक्ति हरु को सड्यन्त्र  थियो.   अब किन भनेर सोध्नु होला, ल सुन्नुस:   नेपाल को हरेक आन्तरिक मामला मा भारत को  हस्ताच्याप देखेर बिरेन्द्र एकदमै निराश थिए. २०४६ साल मा पनि , नेपाल ले चीन संगै हतियार किनेको रिस ले गर्दा , भारत ले  नेपाल को  राजनीतिक पार्टी हरु संग मिलेर राजतन्त्र लै चुनौती दिदै पंचायत व्यवस्था मिल्काएका थिए.    जब देखि भारत स्वतन्त्र भयो तब देखि नै  उसले नेपाल, सिक्किम, कश्मिर लै  आफुमा गाभ्ने योजना बनाएको थियो. सिक्किमलाइ सजिलै गाभ्यो, कश्मिरलै जबर्जस्ति आफ्नो भन्छ तर अहिले सम्म पनि काश्मिरका छोरा हरु तेस्को बिरुद्ध लड्दै छन्.    धेरै अगाडी नै भारत ले  सोचिसकेको थियो कि जबसम्म नेपाल मा  जनता ले माया गर्ने राजतन्त्र रहन्छ तबसम्म नेपाललै आफु मा  गाभ्ने कुरा त परे जाओस, आफुले भनेजस्तो गराऊन पनि गार्है पर्थ्यो.  त्येस्मथी उनीहरु बिरेन्द्र   अन्तरास्ट्रिय जगत मा चिन्निदै गएको र त्येसले गर्दा नेपाल माथि हैकम चलाउन गार्हो हुन थालेको महसुस गरिसकेका थिए . अहिले को जमानामा  आफुमा गाभ्न नसके पनि नेपाल लै आफ्नो उप निवेश सरह  राख्ने उदेश्य बनाए भारतीय हरु ले.   बिरेन्द्र  भारत ले  नेपालको माओबादी लै श्रीलंका को LTTE जस्तै गरि जन्माएको कुरा ले पनि भारत संग रुस्ट थिए. नेपाली माओबादी लै हतियार र पैसा को सहयोग मात्रै होइन training पनि दिने गर्थे भारतीय हरु. यो कुरा ले चिन्तित थिए बिरेन्द्र.   २०५७ साल ताका चीन को भ्रमण मा  रहदा नेपाल को मुस्तांग को  सिमाना बाट चीन मा रहेको सिल्क route सम्म नेपाली  कार्गो हेरु le travel  पास पौने सम्झौता भएको थियो.सिल्क route को एक्सेस ले गर्दा नेपाल ले  सिद्धी european देश हरु संग व्यापार गर्न पौने अवस्था सिर्जना हुदै थियो. ऊनी  बिस्तारै भारत संग को  निर्भरता लै घताऊदै देश लै भारत को influence बाट  निकाल्न चाहन्थे. जून कुरा  भारत संग गोप्य राखिएको थियो तर भारतको  खुफिया agency  RAW      ले थाहा पायो. तेस्पची ऊनी हरु रिस ले आगो भए र नेपालको  राजतन्त्र लै सदा को लागि सिद्ध्याउने योजना बनाउन थाले.    योजना : बिरेन्द्र को  परिवार लै नै सिद्ध्यौनी र उसको भाइ ज्ञानेन्द्र को सन्तान लै मात्र बाकि राख्ने जसले गर्दा. आम मानिस लै लागोस कि सत्ता को लागि  ज्ञानेन्द्र ले बिरेन्द्र को परिवार लै सिद्ध्याए अनि. उनि हरु ले सोचेका थिए तेती नै बेला जनता रीस को झोक मा ज्ञानेन्द्र लै राजा बन्न दिदैनन होला भनेर. त्येसको निम्ति उनीहरुले देश सोक्मगना भएको बेलामा उनीहरु को   संचार मध्यम हरु मा ज्ञानेन्द्र को बिरोध भएको जोड तोड ले  देखाउदै थिए, जनता लै उचाल्न. तर राजसस्था  लै माया गर्ने नेपाली  सबै सोक मग्न भएको बेलामा तेस्तो कदम उठाउन सकेनन.    उनीहरु ले  सोचे जस्तो नभए पनि  उनीहरु ले सोचे जस्तै मानिस हरु ज्ञानेन्द्र लै संका को दृस्टी ले हेर्न थाले. अब चै नेपाल बाट  राजा  फाल्न  सकिन्छ भन्ने आस पलौना थाल्यो उनीहरु लै. अब ऊनीहरु  माओबादी  युद्ध चर्कौना थाले. देशमा सान्ति सुरक्ष्य को धज्जिया उदौना थाले. दिन दहाडै मानिस हरु को  घटी रेटी , गोलि हानी, आदि इत्यादी ,तरिका ले  हत्या हुन थाल्यो. देश मा आतंक फैलायो. यो देखेर भर्खर राजा बनेका ज्ञानेन्द्र मा  मैले केहि गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने भावना पलौना थाल्यो. तर उनि राज्य संचालन को कुरा मा अलि inexperienced थिए. तेस्कै फाइदा उठाउदै भरितीय हरु शेरबहादुर देउबा लै अपदस्त गरि सासन सत्ता आफु मा  लिएर नेपाललै माओबादी युद्ध बाट निकाल्ने सुझाब दिन थाले. but they were playing double game . यता अपदस्त पारिएका पार्टीहरु लै अब माओबादी संगै मिलेर राज्तान्तंत्र फालेर आफै मिलेर सासन गर भनेर ऊक्सौना थाल्यो. जसको परिणाम १२ बूंदे  समज्धारी भयो. र  ज्ञानेन्द्र लै  villain को बिल्ला  पहरैयो. बिरेन्द्र मारेर राजा बनेको  भनेर सोचेर रुस्ट भएका  सोझा जनताहरु पनि ६२/६३ आन्दोलन मा ज्ञानेन्द्र  बिरुद्ध होमिए. सब्बै माओबादी हरु राजधानी मा  हुलिए. राजा र जनता बीच ठुलो संघर्स भएको जस्तो देखाइयो. अन्तत: गिरिजा प्रसाद  कोइराला र अरु नेता हरु संग राजा को बार्ता भए पछि उनले सासन फिर्ता  दिएका हुन्. ज्ञानेन्द्र को गल्ति  एउटा मात्रै थ्यो माघ १९ को ,कदम जुन ऊनले राम्रै सोचेर लिएका थिए. निर्वाचन पनि गरौऊन खोजेको थिए जून विफल पारिएको थियो.     नेपाल को GEOSTRATEGIC  लोकेशन ले  गर्दा चिन लै टुक्राउन खोज्ने  बिदेशी शक्ति हरुको पनि हात छ यो खेल मा. european union जसले करिस्चियन धर्म संसार भरि फैलाउने काम लिएको छ, उ पनि येस्मा संग्लग्न छ.    धेरै कुरा छन् जुन तपाइलाई थाहा नै छैन. गलत सोचाई राख्नु हुन्छ तपाई एदी ज्ञानेन्द्र ले  बिरेन्द्र लै मरेका हुन् भनेर सोच्नु हुन्छ भने. राजतन्त्रलै नै support गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने छैन. त्यो आफ्नो आफ्नो विचार हो तर कुरै नबुजिकाना कसैमाथि झुटो  आरोप लगाएर बहिस्कार गर्नु महा मुर्खता हो.